When religious beliefs clash with journalism – part five

Everything now seemed on course for Mugabe but George Bush won the 2004 presidential elections which meant that Mugabe’s term of office expired before that of Bush. Howard also won the elections to serve his fourth term as Australian Prime Minister but his term expired before that of Mugabe.

"Bush might outlast Mugabe," I thought. "But the prophecy was still true about Blair."

But Blair won his third term in May 2005 which meant he would be in power a year or two after Mugabe’s term of office had expired.

I began to lose heart. Despite Mugabe's victory things continued to fall apart. Inflation started to soar. Central bank governor Gideon Gono who had come on with a lot of promise vowing "failure is not an option" slowly disappeared from the public arena sparking rumours that he too was giving up.

But Mugabe would not go. With its two-thirds majority, Mugabe’s party voted to re-introduce the Senate which was abolished when the post of executive president was created.  Its argument was that this would bring more democracy as the upper house would scrutinise the legislation passed by the lower house. Critics said Mugabe was just trying to accommodate his cronies some of whom had been clobbered in the parliamentary elections both in 2000 and 2005.

The opposition was split over whether it should participate in the elections for a new senate or not. Party leader Morgan Tsvangirai over-ruled his executive which had voted to participate and said the party would boycott the elections. His secretary-general Welshman Ncube said Tsvangirai could not overrule the majority because this was tantamount to being a dictator. The party was, therefore, going to contest the elections. The two sides could not agree and the party split. Those behind Ncube contested the senate elections. Efforts to heal the rift flopped. The party officially split in February 2006 when the two factions held their congresses but both clang on to the name MDC.

Former student leader Arthur Mutambara was elected president of the pro-senate faction after the party leadership, Ncube and Gibson Sibanda, both Ndebele, decided that the party needed a Shona leader with national appeal. Mutambara had been a vociferous student leader in the late 1980s. He had studied in Britain obtaining a PhD in robotics and mechatronics before moving to the United States where he worked as a consultant at McKinsey and Company and for the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA). He was now a businessman in South Africa where he ran the African Technology and Business Institute.

Mugabe had survived another crisis. But divisions within ZANU-PF continued to grow. The divisions came to a head at the party’s annual conference in December 2006 at Goromonzi in Mashonaland East, the home province of Solomon Mujuru, husband of the country’s vice-president. Mujuru, who had become one of the country’s wealthiest businessmen, was now fed up with Mugabe because his continued stay in power was hurting his business interests. He and his wife were on the United States and European Union sanctions lists and this prohibited him from travelling to Europe or the United States or doing business there.

At the conference Mugabe and his other lieutenants tried to buy time by advocating for harmonised elections. At the time, Zimbabwe had separate parliamentary, presidential and local government elections. Their argument was that this was a stretch on the country’s meagre resources and on the voters themselves because they were in perpetual election mode.

For example, between 2000 and 2005 the country had five national elections. There were parliamentary elections in 2000, local government elections in 2001, presidential elections in 2002, parliamentary elections in 2005 and senate elections in 2005. Mugabe and his lieutenants therefore wanted to push the presidential elections of 2008 to 2010 when the next parliamentary elections were due so that the country could hold all three elections- presidential, parliamentary, and local government- at the same time.

Mujuru and Mashonaland East province rejected the idea. They also refused to endorse Mugabe as the party’s next presidential candidate. Instead, they called for an extra-ordinary congress of the party for the following year. The next ordinary congress was due in 2009. Battle lines had been drawn and for the first time, there had was open confrontation about Mugabe’s continued leadership of the party.

Mujuru’s open confrontation with Mugabe provided an opportunity for Emmerson Mnangagwa, who had been demoted to Minister of Rural Housing after the 2005 elections, to bounce back. His opportunity came at the party’s central committee meeting on March 30, 2007. Mugabe was under siege at the time. 

Police had beaten up and arrested most of the leaders of the opposition including Mutambara and Tsvangirai. Sekai Holland, a Zimbabwean married to an Australian, made international headlines after she was beaten and arrested.  Gift Tandare, an MDC activist, was shot and killed by the police but could not be buried because most of the leaders of the opposition were in jail. This provided good reason for Mujuru to challenge Mugabe to step down but he was not given a chance by Mnangagwa and his lieutenants.

According to a cable dispatched by United States ambassador to Zimbabwe, Christopher Dell, who Mugabe and his government said had been deployed to Zimbabwe to kick him out as he had done in Kosovo where he was chief of mission, Mugabe steamrolled his way into becoming the ZANU-PF candidate for  the 2008 presidential elections. There was no discussion. No debate.

Dell said his sources told him that Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, a close ally of Mnangagwa, introduced, at the beginning of the meeting, a proposal for consolidated presidential and parliamentary elections in 2008. “At that point, Central Committee members, led by the Women's League and Youth League, began chanting and singing for Mugabe to be the presidential candidate. There was no discussion, no tabling of a motion, nor was there a formal vote. The party spokesperson announced after the meeting that the Central Committee had selected Mugabe as its standard bearer”. And that was that. Mujuru was not given a chance.

Two months later there was a bomb shell. British Prime Minister Tony Blair announced on May 10 that he was stepping down on June 27. I could not believe it. Part one of the prophecy had been fulfilled. But events in Zimbabwe were so unpredictable that though only seven weeks away, June 27 looked years away. 

Anything could happen. Mugabe could be off the scene before then.

I drafted my story on May 12 planning to have it out before May 19, more than a month before Blair officially stepped down. But I abandoned the project when more predictions about Mugabe's downfall began to spread. My doubts and lack of faith had taken over. I felt Mugabe might not last until June 27 so I decided to work on the story but hold it until a day after Blair had actually resigned.

I wrote the story and asked one of the church elders whether I could sell the story as it was. He said I should get the bishop’s opinion on the story. I did not like the idea, but I did. Bishop Mutendi said he wanted to see the story to read it for himself. After going through it he advised me not to publish it.

"There is nothing wrong with the story or the prophecy," he told me. "My only worry is that the MDC might not understand that this is prophecy and not the church's position. Why don't you wait because part of the prophecy is still to be fulfilled?"

I was devastated. Four years had been a long wait. I had put everything into this story. My first instinct was to defy the bishop because I felt that this was going to be an opportunity missed because the story might be overtaken by events. But I could not defy my bishop.

Bishop Mutendi instructed me to rewrite the story confining myself to the prophecy linked to the development of our multi-million dollar church that we were building at the church's administrative headquarters at Mbungo Estates, in Masvingo.

Construction of the church which has a capacity of 15 000 to 18 000 had started in October 2005. Though it had initially been thought that the church would be completed within a year, it was still far from complete. 

There had been several prophecies about what would happen to Zimbabwe and its people when construction of the church was completed.  One of the prophecies was that Zimbabwe was going to regain its status as the region's bread basket. Another was that Zimbabwe’s currency was going to regain its strength and compete against the South African rand, the Botswana pula and the United States dollar. And, finally, a cure for Aids would be found.

I wrote that story and it appeared in our supplement which is published every year in July to coincide with the anniversary of Rev Samuel Mutendi's death. The story read:

 Thousands of followers of the Zion Christian Church will trek to Defe Dopota this week on their annual pilgrimage in honour of the founder Rev Samuel Mutendi. This year’s pilgrimage will, however, be different. They will not be mourning the founder. They did that for 30 years. Now it’s their turn to be rewarded for their perseverance and steadfastness.

Church members will this year be rededicating themselves to Rev. Mutendi who guided the church from its humble beginnings in the 1920s until his death on 20 July 1976.  Rev Mutendi received his calling in 1913 while he was serving as a police officer in Chegutu. He was baptised in South Africa where he founded the Zion Christian Church in 1924 together with Engenas Lekganyana before returning to Zimbabwe to launch his evangelical crusade.

He, however, faced stiff resistance from colonial governments because they thought he had a political agenda yet his aim was to liberate his people spiritually and intellectually because he knew, as the bible says, that his people would perish because of lack of knowledge. (Hosea 4 vs 6).

Throughout his teachings, he also wanted to eradicate two ills: disease and poverty. To achieve this he encouraged his people to educate their children and established the first school in 1932. This was unheard of at the time and from then Rev.Mutendi became a marked man who was jailed constantly, sometimes for frivolous reasons, because of his unwavering conviction that he was doing the right thing for his people.

He established his first mission at Mutarara, then known as Zion City Moriah, some three kilometres from Nyika Growth Point. This was to remain his headquarters until he was moved to Gokwe in the late1960s.

God also endowed him and some of his followers with powers of healing. Using holy water he was able to cure various ailments some of which were thought to have no cure including infertility. A French couple that had been childless for years travelled all the way to Moriah and was blessed with a baby girl.

Though he performed various miracles and preached the word of God for five decades, it was his end that attracted the attention of even those that had been sitting on the fence. It proved beyond doubt that Rev Mutendi was indeed a Man of God, Muranda waMwari.

A few days before his death, Rev. Mutendi told his church elders that his time was up. “I have fought the good fight. I have finished the race. I have kept the faith. Henceforth, there is laid for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, will award me on that day, and not only to me but also to those who have loved his appearing,” he quoted from the Bible (2 Tim 4 vs 7).

He said if nothing unique happened three days after his death, then his followers could go back to their old ways of drinking beer and worshipping their ancestors because he had misled them all along.

Three days after his death, a bright star which bore his picture complete with his cap and staff popularly known as mapumhangozi was seen gliding slowly across the sky before landing on the ground to mark his grave. Several people, including some who were not even members of his church, were seized by the Holy Spirit and spoke in tongues at the sight of the star.

The star was seen across the country but scientists explained it away as an Unidentified Flying Object (UFO). To his followers, this was confirmation that Rev. Mutendi was indeed a Man of God.

Rev Mutendi was succeeded by his son, Nehemiah, who has taken the church to even greater heights. It now has congregations in Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia as well as in Britain and the United States.

Bishop Mutendi, who trained as a teacher, has kept his father’s vision of educating the people. The church now has four primary and six secondary schools and is sponsoring scores of students at various universities in the country.

His aim is to spread the gospel across the globe to show how God has manifested himself in Africa. But more importantly, he wants to see his followers prosper through the eradication of disease and poverty.

The visit to the Holy Shrine at Defe this year will mark the first step towards achieving that goal. “After 30 years of morning Bambo Samere,” he says, “it is now time for us to receive our thank you letters.”

He has also embarked on the construction of a mammoth church and conference centre at the church headquarters at Mbungo Estates, about 50km east of Masvingo. The church will be one of the biggest on the continent.

Once it is completed everyone who will have contributed to the construction of this church should be rewarded as proclaimed in 1 Kings 4 vs 25: “And Judah and David dwelt in safety, from Dan even to Beer-Sheba, every man under his vine and under his fig tree, all the days of Solomon..”

This is further confirmed in 11 Chronicles 31 vs 10, which says: “And Azariah the chief priest of the house of Zadok answered him, and said, Since the people began to bring the offerings into the house of the Lord, we have had enough to eat, and have left plenty: for the Lord hath blessed his people; and that which is left is this great store.”

Already, there have been several prophesies associated with the completion of this church that will cost more than US$1 million.  One is that a cure for the dreaded Aids disease will be found. The other is that Zimbabwe will regain its status as the region’s breadbasket and its currency will regain its value.

This is the fifth chapter of my kindle book: When religious beliefs clash with journalism principles,which is available only through Amazon. The book is not about the church or about Mugabe but about my experiences in the Zion Christian Church. If,  in the process, this helps to spread the word about the ZCC then I would have done my part because the church and its leader Bishop Mutendi are not only preaching the Word of God in Zimbabwe and across the World but they are also promoting the development of Zimbabwe, which former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere said was the Jewel of Africa. As it is said in Isaiah 2 vs 2 "that the mountain of the LORD's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills; and all nations shall flow unto it" so will the ZCC and Zimbabwe. For my fellow Zimbabweans who have no means of buying this book online, I will be serialising it on this blog, bit by bit. So follow this blog.

When religious beliefs clash with journalism principles- part four

Barely a year after winning the 2002 presidential elections which extended his term of office to 2008, pressure began to mount on President Mugabe to go. The pressure came from the opposition Movement for Democratic Change which claimed Mugabe had stolen the election and was challenging the result.

Pressure also came from within his own party. His lieutenants felt he should go but no one dared say this except Eddison Zvobgo, the man who had crafted the constitution that made Mugabe executive president and made his succession so vague that anyone could replace the president provided that that person stood in an election 90 days after the president’s departure.

Whispers said that the Harvard-educated Zvobgo had deliberately crafted the succession clause this way so that he too could contest because he had presidential ambitions but was not in the top five of the party. He was very popular in Masvingo and his Karanga sub-group constituted a third of the population.

Another source of pressure was the Western governments, especially Britain and the United States which were piffed by Mugabe’s fast track land reform programme in which he had expropriated nearly five million hectares of land from mainly white farmers without any compensation.

The United States was now funding several non-governmental organisations to speak out against Mugabe. It also launched Studio 7, a broadcasting arm of the Voice of America, which beamed to Zimbabwe in all three of the country’s major languages- English, Shona and Ndebele.

The first crucial test for Mugabe came through the mass stay-away by the MDC which it dubbed the Final Push. It started on June 2, 2003 and ended on June 6. The stay-away had two major aims: to force the government to get the two major political parties- the MDC and ZANU-PF-to sit and try to solve the economic and political problems facing the country, and to force President Mugabe to resign.

The stay-away recorded a 90 percent success in terms of getting workers to stay at home. But it was difficult to attribute this to heeding the call by the MDC. Some observers said workers simply stayed at home because they did not have money for transport.

A report by the Zimbabwe Peace Project, a non-governmental organisation formed by church and civil society organisations in 2000, confirmed this. It said: “To some workers the call was a blessing in disguise in that although Zimbabweans were yelling that the President has overstayed, some were happy that for that whole week they were able to save on transport and any other expenses incurred whilst at work.”

The week-long stay-away was, however, a total failure in getting the people to march on the streets in protest against the government. Even the United States embassy in Harare described it as a failure and attributed this to lack of a culture of violence in the country.

The embassy said the disappointing turnout for the planned street marches “illustrated definitively that the population was not yet prepared to suddenly undertake high-risk activist behaviour in defiance of the regime”.

Although the Zimbabwean President had five more years in office, this did not stop the embassy from preparing for a post-Mugabe scenario. In a cable released by Wikileaks seven years later, the embassy said while it was uncertain whether President Robert Mugabe would depart in the “next days or months” the embassy felt it prudent to offer policymakers “day after” recommendations.

The embassy said if Mugabe went and was replaced by a reformist government, the United States would have to fund democracy programmes through institutions like The Voice of America which was already broadcasting to Zimbabwe through Studio 7, the State University of New York which was training Zimbabwe’s Members of Parliament, the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute which were working with several non-governmental organisations.

The embassy even saw business opportunities for some US companies. The Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) and the Export-Import (Exim) Bank could consider loan guarantees for projects that promoted US exports. General Electric could rejuvenate locomotives for the National Railways of Zimbabwe. Caterpillar could provide machines at coal-miner Wankie. Boeing could provide jets to Air Zimbabwe. And Zimbabwe would be admitted to the African Growth and Opportunity Act sessions.

But all this came to nought as Mugabe appointed his personal banker Gideon Gono as central bank governor in December 2003. Gono, a self-made man, had made his name when he took over at the Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe, a former subsidiary of the collapsed Bank of Credit and Commerce International, and consolidated it to become the country’s largest bank. He had also bailed out the country from its fuel crisis on a number of occasions.

Gono came at the right time because Mugabe had just lost one of his most trusted lieutenants, Vice-President Simon Muzenda. Though only a carpenter by profession, Muzenda had been the voice of reason in ZANU-PF. While Mugabe was considered to be aloof, Muzenda was a man of the people. He could dance with the ordinary villagers, drink traditional beer with them, but more importantly he kept the vociferous Karanga, especially Eddison Zvobgo in check.

Gono came on with a bang and was bolstered by the free rein that he was given by his principals. The economy which was in shambles in 2003 began to recover in 2004. Inflation dropped from 623 percent to 133 percent. Fuel became readily available. To add further to Mugabe’s relief, squabbles started in the MDC. The party was caught in between whether to participate in the 2005 elections or to boycott them because of the uneven playing field.

Mugabe regained his confidence and announced more than a year in advance that parliamentary elections for 2005 would be held in March. The ZANU-PF congress came but instead of stepping down Mugabe decided to stay-on and insisted that one of the vice-presidents had to be a woman, thus forcing the party to elect Joice Mujuru, wife of the powerful former army commander Solomon Mujuru. A group of disgruntled lieutenants tried to stop the election of Mujuru but Mugabe thwarted it and she prevailed.

Six provincial chairmen were expelled from the party for being party to the foiled mutiny. His propaganda chief, United States educated Jonathan Moyo was expelled from the party when he refused to back down from his Tsholotsho seat after the party decided it was reserved for a woman. This was widely viewed as a way of punishing Moyo because he was reportedly the mastermind behind the foiled internal coup where he was allegedly backing then Speaker of Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa.

Four months later, ZANU-PF won 78 of the 120 elected seats. The MDC fell from 57 to 41 seats. With the 30 seats the president appointed to make the 150-member house, Mugabe had secured a two-thirds majority that allowed his party to change the constitution without the support of the opposition.

This is the fourth chapter of my kindle book: When religious beliefs clash with journalism principles,which is available only through Amazon. The book is not about the church or about Mugabe but about my experiences in the Zion Christian Church. If,  in the process, this helps to spread the word about the ZCC then I would have done my part because the church and its leader Bishop Mutendi are not only preaching the Word of God in Zimbabwe and across the World but they are also promoting the development of Zimbabwe, which former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere said was the Jewel of Africa. As it is said in Isaiah 2 vs 2 "that the mountain of the LORD's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills; and all nations shall flow unto it" so will the ZCC and Zimbabwe. For my fellow Zimbabweans who have no means of buying this book online, I will be serialising it on this blog, bit by bit. So follow this blog. 

When religious beliefs clash with journalism principles- part 3

I was stunned when one of the church elders who had witnessed the prophecy told me about it. Even some church elders were baffled. Things were bad in Zimbabwe and everyone was praying for an end to the misery. We were all asking: How could God allow the suffering and humiliation that the people of Zimbabwe were going through to continue? How could God justify the brutality that the people were enduring?

It did not make sense at all. It was only when the Bishop landed in Boston on August 14, 2003 and there was a huge blackout that affected 10 million people in Ontario, Canada and 45 million people in eight states in the North-East of the United States that the prophecy, which had been made two months earlier, dawned to one of the elders who had gone ahead and was about to drive to the airport to pick up the Bishop.

He realised what the blackout was all about. But he could not explain this as a miracle to anyone in the United States. No one, except perhaps fellow church members, was going to understand or believe him, that is, if he was not called a lunatic and assigned to a mental institution first.

This was not new to the elder. Scientists have always battled to explain things that God has done. Some are even challenging creation itself. He had experienced a glaring example of how scientists could explain miracles away in 1976 when the founder of the church Rev. Samuel Mutendi died.

Before his death Rev. Mutendi had told church elders and his followers that his time was up. He had quoted from 2 Timothy verse 7: “I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith: Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me at that day: and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing.”  

He told his followers that if nothing extraordinary happened three days after his death, they could forget all that he had taught them about Jesus Christ and go back to their heathen ways of drinking beer and consulting n'angas (traditional healers).

Samuel Mutendi died on July 20, 1976. Three days after his death, a bright star with his picture was seen gliding across the sky for all to see. Scientists explained it away as an Unidentified Flying Object (UFO). The local daily papers carried the story about the UFOs. But his followers realised that Samuel Mutendi had indeed been a Man of God and each July they trek to Defe in Gokwe, his resting place.

That was the same with the blackout in the United States. Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien said lightning had struck a power plant in northern New York.  Canadian Defence Minister John McCallum blamed it on an outage at a nuclear plant in Pennsylvania. New York State governor George Pataki blamed the power outage on Canada. The list of speculations went on.

When the elder told me about the prophecy and the blackout on his return from the United States my curiosity overcame my journalistic cautiousness. I wrote the story and posted it on my website in September 2003. But some doubt still lingered at the back of my mind.

I watered down the prophecy and left out details about Howard and Bush, concentrating on Blair:

"Just over half of the people interviewed in a survey by the Mass Public Opinion Institute have said they want President Robert Mugabe to retire now and pave way for fresh elections," I wrote. "But The Insider has heard through the grapevine that someone has predicted that though under increasing pressure, Mugabe is likely to outlast his biggest adversary, British Prime Minister Tony Blair."

The Insider was the name of my publication. I had launched it in December 1990 as a monthly confidential publication available only to those who subscribed a year in advance. I had managed to publish it for 13 years, though it was not making enough money for me to work for it full-time. But I stopped printing after the April 2003 edition because of inflation. Revenue for the entire year’s subscription was no longer enough to print even a single edition because the money had lost its value. I had therefore decided to switch to the internet and launched my website – www.insiderzim.com- also under the same name- The Insider.

The story was a mixture of fact and prophecy but I did not disclose that the so-called prediction was prophecy. I was in a catch-22 situation. I could not ignore the prophecy because my teaching told me: "Mwari haazi munhu, haangarevi nhema". (God is not man, that he should lie). But facts on the ground told another story that I could not ignore either.

The main reason why I wrote the story was that, despite my doubts, I felt somehow that the prophecy would be fulfilled one day so I had to write the story so that I would not be accused of fabricating things when the prophecy turned out to be true as it now has. I wanted to have something to fall back on.

This is the third chapter of my kindle book: When religious beliefs clash with journalism principles,which is available only through Amazon. The book is not about the church or about Mugabe but about my experiences in the Zion Christian Church. If,  in the process, this helps to spread the word about the ZCC then I would have done my part because the church and its leader Bishop Mutendi are not only preaching the Word of God in Zimbabwe and across the World but they are also promoting the development of Zimbabwe, which former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere said was the Jewel of Africa. As it is said in Isaiah 2 vs 2 "that the mountain of the LORD's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills; and all nations shall flow unto it" so will the ZCC and Zimbabwe. For my fellow Zimbabweans who have no means of buying this book online, I will be serialising it on this blog, bit by bit. So follow this blog. 

Zimbabwe will never go to the dogs

Zimbabwe will never go to the dogs. "Munyika muno makafira munhu mukuru. Mwari haangatenderi kuti anyadziswe" (God will not allow this country to go to the dogs because a very important person died in this country. He will not allow his name to be put to shame.)


This was the response of an elder of the Zion Christian Church when I asked him whether the prophecy from the church that Zimbabwe was going to regain its status as the region's breadbasket and its currency was going to regain its strength and compete against the South African rand, the Botswana pula and the United States dollar would be fulfilled.

That was six years ago, and he was talking about Samuel Mutendi, the founder of the ZCC, who died in 1976 and has been replaced by Nehemiah.

The prophecy came when Nehemiah decided to build a temple which accommodates up to 18 000 people at Mbungo Estates, the administrative headquarters of the church.

Construction of the church started in October 2005. Things were already tough then but nobody knew that they would get worse. But Nehemiah knew because he told his people that he was launching the construction of the church when things were tough to prove that nothing was impossible before God.

He even refused donations from outsiders because he insisted that the church must be built by church members so that when it was completed each would receive his or her own blessings.

As a journalist, I had to battle every day with what my church told me and what was on the ground. Things seemed to be going in completely different directions.  

Inflation at the time was 11 000 percent. I did not think it would get worse, but it did, reaching officially 231 million percent, but one American analyst put it at 6.5 sextillion percent at its height- which meant 65 plus 20 zeros after that or 6 500 000 000 000 000 000 000%

The only person who seemed to be enjoying himself at the time was United States ambassador to Zimbabwe, Christopher Dell. He said it was now only a matter of months, if not weeks before President Robert Mugabe was kicked out.

“People have completely lost faith in the currency and that means they have completely lost faith in the government that issues it," he said.

Six years have gone by, Mugabe is still in power but the Zimbabwe dollar is no more. Inflation is currently 2.49 percent probably the lowest in the region.

Agricultural production is slowly picking up but there are some people fighting to rubbish this because it means something else. Instead of celebrating that the country is becoming the region’s breadbasket again, they would rather bury their heads in the sand because it also indirectly means that the land reform programme is beginning to bear fruits.

But the Zimbabwe dollar is still nowhere to be seen. Some quarters say it won’t be brought back for another five years. The first inclination would be to say the prophecy was wrong. After the trials and tribulations that I have gone through which are tabulated in my eBook, I have no doubt it will come back, probably sooner than most people else think.

See, I have been asking myself, are this year’s elections, the watershed elections? Why are they being held this year? These elections were supposed to be held in 2010- that is 18 months after the formation of the inclusive government, but they were not. 2011 came and went, and so did 2012.

Why 2013? This is a scared year because this year the Zion Christian Church is celebrating its centenary-to mark 100 years of true prophecy.

Is it just a coincidence that the elections are being held when the ZCC is celebrating 100 OF TRUE PROPHECY?

I am not supposed to mix church and politics, but remember I am a journalist. I am just asking questions.
As a Christian I cannot forget: “God is not a man, that he should lie, nor a son of man, that he should change his mind. Does he speak and then not act? Does he promise and not fulfil?”- Number 23 vs. 19.

But more importantly that we are celebrating 100 YEARS OF TRUE PROPHECY.